合同范文工作計劃范文工作總結(jié)范文合作方案范文日志日報范文工作報告范文年終總結(jié)范文申請書范文通知書范文請假單范文活動策劃范文活動報道范文簡歷范文委托書范文授權(quán)書范文論文范文簡報范文志愿書

范文講解英語怎么說 第一篇

't be a yes /no man , be a good lieutenant。

不要做一個“唯唯諾諾者/否定論者”，做一個“優(yōu)秀的中尉”(注：有朋友建議翻譯成：優(yōu)秀的助手)。

Offer polite, constructive criticism, and do your best to see how your boss's plans are feasible。

有禮貌地提出建設性意見，并盡可能看到你上司的方案的可行性。

your realistic deadlines告訴上司現(xiàn)實的截止日期

Give yourself a bit of extra time to get the job done properly, and if you get things done early, the boss will be impressed。

應當稍微高估完成既定任務需要花費的時間，并且，如果你“提前”完成任務，上司會對你印象深刻。

problems solved early 提前解決問題

Let your boss know immediately about any problems that crop up, he will be grateful if you give him enough time to solve it。

立刻讓你的上司知道任何突然出現(xiàn)的問題，要是你給上司足夠的時間來解決這些問題，他/她會很感激。

4. Personal appearance is important。個人形象很重要!

Dress professionally, keep a breath mint and comb handy, and make a clean and well-organized work station。

永遠專業(yè)著裝、隨身帶薄荷糖和梳子，保持一個清潔并擺放整齊的工作場所。

the initiative 積極主動

If you see there is room for improvement, write a proposal and float the idea to your boss。

如果你發(fā)現(xiàn)其中的改進空間，那么，寫下建議并把想法告訴上司。

your boss's time 尊重上司的時間

Don't bother your boss if he is on phone or is elbows deep in work, and try to solve the problem if you can solve it yourself。

如果你的上司在打電話或者專心工作，最好重新考慮你要找他/她處理的問題的緊急程度，不要在你自己可以解決的小問題上浪費上司的時間。

on your boss's unpleasant tasks 接受上司指派的讓人不愉快的任務

Volunteer to take on the nasty tasks that annoy your boss。

主動接手這些任務，你的上司會因為從這些繁雜事里脫身而心懷感激。

up at meeting在會議上大聲發(fā)言

Try to have at least one well-informed opinion about the task at hand。

每次開會時，盡力對正在進行的任務提出至少一點信息可取的意見。

your boss at ease讓你的上司放松

Make a note of anything you and the boss have in common, and conduct a good relationship with your boss and co-workers。

記下你與上司之間的所有共同點，并且與你的老板和同事建立融洽的關(guān)系。

your shortcomings 認識自己的短處

Always be willing to learn a new skill to increase your personal effectives。

永遠要樂于學習新技能，提升你的個人效力。

By following these 10 guidelines, you can build a healthy, productive relationship with your boss. And once you're on the boss's good side, it won't be long before he or she will tip off higher management about your talent and good attitude. And with any luck, it will be someone else following these 10 guidelines and trying to impress you。

藉由以上10項方針，你可以與你的上司建立一個健康的、有成效的關(guān)系。一旦你的上司對你有好的認同感，不久后他(她)將會對你的才能與良好態(tài)度提供更高的管理職位。如果有幸，會有另一個人遵循這十項方針并試著給你留下好印象。

1.英語話解說十種職場“潛規(guī)則”

2.職場經(jīng)驗之職場的潛規(guī)則

3.備戰(zhàn)職場_女性職場潛規(guī)則

4.關(guān)于職場的潛規(guī)則

5.職場加薪潛規(guī)則

6.職場晉升潛規(guī)則

7.關(guān)于職場必知的潛規(guī)則

8.職場新人如何讀懂職場潛規(guī)則

9.職場新潛規(guī)則：加班

10.職場女性的愛情“潛規(guī)則”

范文講解英語怎么說 第二篇

winter solstice

/ˋsɑlst?s/ 冬至

winter solstice

冬至，是農(nóng)歷二十四個節(jié)氣之一，在公歷十二月二十二日左右，這天北半球黑夜最長，白天最短。民間稱冬至節(jié)為“過小年”，有的地區(qū)認為此節(jié)的隆重程度與過新年一樣，所以說“冬至大如年”。甚至還有“肥東瘦年”的說法，由此可見民間對冬至節(jié)的重視了。

The Winter Solstice: one of the twenty-four solar terms. It is around 22nd December of the solar year. On that day in the northern hemisphere, the night is the longest and the day the shortest in the whole year. The Winter Solstice is popularly called the “Small New Year”. In some areas people think the Winter Solstice should be celebrated as grandly as the New Year. Thus, the saying goes, “Fat Winter Solstice and lean New Year” This shows the importance people attach to the Winter Solstice.

古人認為自冬至起，白晝一天比一天長，陽氣回升，天地陽氣開始興做漸強，代表下一個循環(huán)開始。

The Chinese celebration of the winter solstice, Dongzhi (which means “Winter Arrives”) welcomes the return of longer nights and blessing of good health and prosperity.

冬至是我國重要的節(jié)日，民間有“冬至大過年”之說，也有吃了冬至夜飯長一歲的說法，俗稱“添歲”。古時候，農(nóng)民和漁民會在冬至這天休息與家人團聚，一起享用豐盛的一餐。

The festival has its own significance for many people, and is believed to be the day when everyone gets one year older. Although the festival isn't an official holiday in China, historically farmers and fishermen would take time off from work and reunite with their families with a lavish meal. Today, it is an occasion for families to join together to celebrate the year that has passed and share good wishes for the year to come.

南方人冬至要吃湯圓，寓意團團圓圓;而北方人則喜歡吃餃子，有著“十月一，冬至到，家家戶戶吃水餃”的諺語，還有“吃了冬至餃子不凍耳朵”的說法。

The most traditional food for this celebration in southern China is the glutinous rice balls known as tangyuan, often brightly colored and cooked in sweet or savory broth. Northern Chinese enjoy plain or meat-stuffed dumplings, a particularly warming and nourishing food for a midwinter celebration.

范文講解英語怎么說 第三篇

Zodiac poster director: Jackie Chan, screenwriter: Starring: Jackie Chan / Stanley / Tang Yingnian / Francis: Jackie Chan / Quan Xiangyu, Liao Fan, Xing, Tongyao / Lanxin / Millennium Zhang Na / missing / Wu Yanzu, Shuqi / Li Zongsheng / Chen / Lu Huiguang / Asano felicik / Bai Bing / Lin type: action / Adventure producer country / region: China / Hong Kong Language: English / Mandarin / Cantonese / Spanish international grand JC Chen and his rightist man, Quan David (blue heart)) has stolen all kinds of treasures all over the world, not for the sake of ideals and beliefs, but for money. They began to steal the animal heads of Yuanmingyuan. In the process, JC met the pampered Countess Catherine (Bailu lauraveeck) and the cultural relics expert coco (Xingtong Yao nationality) who had been protecting the national treasure.

They exhibited with many branches In the process of searching for treasure, JC's national treasure has been protected, and his pure heart has gradually awakened in the last guard's dragon fight. JC's Chinese zodiac, which succesully jumped to the crater of Vanuatu at the risk of his life, is Jackie Chan's film or Jackie Chan's last action movie.

中文翻譯：

《十二生肖》海報導演：成龍編?。褐餮荩撼升?斯坦利/唐英年/弗朗西斯：成龍/權(quán)相宇廖凡邢彤瑤/藍心/千年張娜/失蹤/吳彥祖，舒琪/李宗盛/陳/盧惠光/阿薩諾費利西克//林類型：動作/冒險制片人/地區(qū)：中國/語言：英語/普通話/粵語/西班牙語國際大JC（陳）和他的男子西蒙（quan David（藍心））已在世界各地竊取各種珍寶，不是為了理想信念，只是為了錢一個機會，他們開始偷丟失圓明園的獸首，并在這個過程中，JC遇到了嬌生慣養(yǎng)的凱瑟琳伯爵夫人（白露·維斯貝克）和保護寶藏的文物鑒定專家可可（行通瑤族他們攜多支展開了驚心動魄的印第安納法式城堡探險、太平洋探險之旅，在尋寶的過程中，JC國寶得到了保護純真的心也在上一次衛(wèi)士龍爭虎斗中逐漸覺醒，JC不惜冒著生命危險，成功跳到瓦努阿圖火山口的中國十二生肖是成龍的電影，也可能是成龍最后的一部動作片。

范文講解英語怎么說 第四篇

Hello, everyone!

My name is .My Chinese name is xxx . I am very glad to join you in this class.

I just graduated from senior high school. I like Britain very much, so if I could study in Britain one day, I would be very happy. But my English is not very good now. So I'd like to improve my English in this class. And very glad to see our teacher Mr/Mrs .

Thank you.

范文講解英語怎么說 第五篇

一、憑著真誠，贏得聽眾

演講者必須以真誠和魅力來感染聽眾。要使聽眾信服，在演講的過程中須表現(xiàn)出一種真摯的感情和人格魅力。古羅馬知名的雄辯家昆提連說，演說家是“一個精于講話的好人?！彼f的是真誠與性格。這是達到演講效果的必要素質(zhì)，是無可取代的。皮爾旁·摩根認為，獲取聽眾信任和獲取聽眾對自己的信心的方法是-性格。

xxx·伍柯特說:“一個人說話時的那種真誠，令他的聲音煥發(fā)出真實的異彩，那是虛偽矯飾者所假裝不了的?！闭驗槿绱耍绻愕恼勗捠菫榱苏f服別人，尤其需要以真誠篤信的態(tài)度來表達自己的思想。

那么，我們只有先說服自己，然后才能設法說服別人。

二、獲取聽眾的共鳴

如果有人真心地說“不”時，他所做的就不止是說“不”這么簡單了。

他的身體、神經(jīng)、肌肉都把自己收緊起來，進入一種拒絕接受的狀態(tài)?？墒?，當一個人真誠地說“是”時，整個身體都處在一種開敞、接納、前進的態(tài)度中。因此.

要獲得聽眾的共鳴，演講者必須從一開始就誘發(fā)聽眾的認同，認同感越大，就越有可能抓住聽眾的注意力，為終的建議打下基礎。如何一開口就誘使他人認同你呢?那就獲取“是”的贊同態(tài)度吧!這種“是”的贊同態(tài)度，其技巧其實非常簡單，可是卻很容易為人們所忽視。

“我展開并贏得一場議論的方式，”林肯講述其中的秘訣是，“先找到一個共同的贊同點。”即使在討論有爭議的奴隸問題時，他也能找到這種共同的贊同點。

中立性報紙《明鏡》在報道一場他的講演時這樣敘述:

“在前半小時里，他的反對者幾乎同意他所說的每個觀點。之后，他便一步步領(lǐng)著他們往前走，直到后他把他們?nèi)家俗约旱臋谌铩?。如果演講者只是與聽眾爭辯，將使他們更加固守自己的想法，對演講效果而言毫無意義。

如果演講者從一開始就強調(diào)一些大家都認同的事情，然后再舉出一個適當?shù)膯栴}，給聽眾設置懸念，接著再引導聽眾一起去熱烈地追尋答案。這是否會有利許多?在追尋問題的過程中，你舉出十分清楚的事實，他們便會被你所引導，進而接受你的高論。對于人們自己所發(fā)現(xiàn)的事實，他們會有更多的信心。相信這一招會很有用，不信試試看。

三、以熱情來感染聽眾

當演講者以熱情的、充滿感染力的語言來陳述時，聽眾很少會產(chǎn)生否定的想法。如果你的目標在于說服眾人，那么“動之以情”與“發(fā)之思想”相比，前者效果更大。而要感染聽眾，必先讓自己充滿熱情。倘若一個演講者只是編造精妙的詞句、傭有和諧的聲音和優(yōu)雅的手勢，卻不能真誠講述，便無法感染聽眾。

在進行說服性演講時，演講者的言行決定了聽眾的態(tài)度。如果表情冷淡，就會像亨利·華德所說的那樣:“當聽眾們昏昏睡去時，只有一件事可做:給招待員一把尖棒讓他去狠刺演講者?！?/p>

在演講中僅僅運用理智是不夠的，你不

展現(xiàn)出對自己信念的誠摯與熱情是沒有說服力的。

站在講臺上，當演講者與聽眾進行目光交流，你的精神經(jīng)由雙眼而散發(fā)出亮光，由聲音而四面輻射，并經(jīng)由態(tài)度而自我抒情，此時它便與聽眾產(chǎn)生溝通，使聽眾信服。

四、展示你對聽眾的尊敬與關(guān)愛

對于演講者來說，不論你給予別人的是尊敬還是蔑視，別人都會照價還給你。

五、從友善的態(tài)度開始

想讓聽眾更容易接受和信服你的演講，從友善的態(tài)度開始，它能為你開啟演講成功之門。

在進行說服性演講或與你意見相左的人交談時，我們的問題在于:若只是想把自己的意念灌進聽眾心中，只會讓聽眾產(chǎn)生相反和對立的想法。那些擅于尊重別人的人，則會受人歡迎，并深刻地影響聽眾。如果你想要成為一名受歡迎的演講者，說服那些與你意見相左的人，請記住威爾遜總統(tǒng)的話:

“如果你對我說:‘讓我們坐下來談談吧。倘若彼此意見相左，也讓我們有個充分了解的機會。讓我們知道問題出在哪里，是因為什么理由而產(chǎn)生分歧?！@樣，我們就會發(fā)現(xiàn)彼此之間的距離并不遠，分歧甚少，共同點倒是很多。我們將會發(fā)現(xiàn)，只要有耐心、有誠意、有合作的愿望，聚合的愿望終會實現(xiàn)的?！?/p>

說服性演講的五個步驟

1、總結(jié)現(xiàn)象?？偨Y(jié)現(xiàn)象即將各種由于缺乏某種觀點、方法或者工具而造成的消極現(xiàn)象予以一一羅列?？偨Y(jié)現(xiàn)象其實就是幫聽眾找到他的傷口。

2、指出問題。找出傷口后還得往傷口上再撒一把鹽，這樣聽眾才能真切地感受到傷口的存在以及傷口的嚴重性，這就是指出問題。問題一一指出后，聽眾就會急切地渴望得到問題的答案。

3、提供解決方案。提供解決方案其實就是給聽眾提供期待已久的'解藥。對于聽眾來說，演講者提供的解決方案就如久旱之后的甘露，幾時而又充滿魅力。

4、展示效果。為了使聽眾進一步相信自己的解決方案，演講者還必須全面展示該解決方案的巨大成效，用事實來說話，使聽眾對自己的答案更加深信不疑。

5、鼓勵行動。知而后行方為有效，所有的一切最終都落實在一個“行”字上。所以演講的最后要鼓勵聽眾拿出切實的行動來實施你給出的解決方案，不然整個演講也就白費了。

范文講解英語怎么說 第六篇

Less than three months ago at platform hearings in Salt Lake City, I asked the Republican Party to lift the shroud of silence which has been draped over the issue of HIV and xxx. I have come tonight to bring our silence to an end. I bear a message of challenge, not self-congratulation. I want your attention, not your applause.

I would never have asked to be HIV positive, but I believe that in all things there is a purpose; and I stand before you and before the nation gladly. The reality of xxx is brutally clear. Two hundred thousand Americans are dead or dying. A million more are infected. Worldwide, forty million, sixty million, or a hundred million infections will be counted in the coming few years. But despite science and research, White House meetings, and congressional hearings, despite good intentions and bold initiatives, campaign slogans, and hopeful promises, it is -- despite it all -- the epidemic which is winning tonight.

In the context of an election year, I ask you, here in this great hall, or listening in the quiet of your home, to recognize that xxx virus is not a political creature. It does not care whether you are Democrat or Republican; it does not ask whether you are black or white, male or female, gay or straight, young or old.

Tonight, I represent an xxx community whose members have been reluctantly drafted from every segment of American society. Though I am white and a mother, I am one with a black infant struggling with tubes in a Philadelphia hospital. Though I am female and contracted this disease in marriage and enjoy the warm support of my family, I am one with the lonely gay man sheltering a flickering candle from the cold wind of his family’s rejection.

This is not a distant threat. It is a present danger. The rate of infection is increasing fastest among women and children. Largely unknown a decade ago, xxx is the third leading killer of young adult Americans today. But it won’t be third for long, because unlike other diseases, this one travels. Adolescents don’t give each other cancer or heart disease because they believe they are in love, but HIV is different; and we have helped it along. We have killed each other with our ignorance, our prejudice, and our silence.

We may take refuge in our stereotypes, but we cannot hide there long, because HIV asks only one thing of those it attacks. Are you human? And this is the right question. Are you human? Because people with HIV have not entered some alien state of being. They are human. They have not earned cruelty, and they do not deserve meanness. They don’t benefit from being isolated or treated as outcasts. Each of them is exactly what God made: a person; not evil, deserving of our judgment; not victims, longing for our pity -- people, ready for support and worthy of compassion.

My call to you, my Party, is to take a public stand, no less compassionate than that of the President and Mrs. Bush. They have embraced me and my family in memorable ways. In the place of judgment, they have shown affection. In difficult moments, they have raised our spirits. In the darkest hours, I have seen them reaching not only to me, but also to my parents, armed with that stunning grief and special grace that comes only to parents who have themselves leaned too long over the bedside of a dying child.

With the President’s leadership, much good has been done. Much of the good has gone unheralded, and as the President has insisted, much remains to be done. But we do the President’s cause no good if we praise the American family but ignore a virus that destroys it.

We must be consistent if we are to be believed. We cannot love justice and ignore prejudice, love our children and fear to teach them. Whatever our role as parent or policymaker, we must act as eloquently as we speak -- else we have no integrity. My call to the nation is a plea for awareness. If you believe you are safe, you are in danger. Because I was not hemophiliac, I was not at risk. Because I was not gay, I was not at risk. Because I did not inject drugs, I was not at risk.

My father has devoted much of his lifetime guarding against another holocaust. He is part of the generation who heard Pastor Nemoellor come out of the Nazi death camps to say,

“They came after the Jews, and I was not a Jew, so, I did not protest. They came after the trade unionists, and I was not a trade unionist, so, I did not protest. Then they came after the Roman Catholics, and I was not a Roman Catholic, so, I did not protest. Then they came after me, and there was no one left to protest.”

The -- The lesson history teaches is this: If you believe you are safe, you are at risk. If you do not see this killer stalking your children, look again. There is no family or community, no race or religion, no place left in America that is safe. Until we genuinely embrace this message, we are a nation at risk.

Tonight, HIV marches resolutely toward xxx in more than a million American homes, littering its pathway with the bodies of the young -- young men, young women, young parents, and young children. One of the families is mine. If it is true that HIV inevitably turns to xxx, then my children will inevitably turn to orphans. My family has been a rock of support.

My 84-year-old father, who has pursued the healing of the nations, will not accept the premise that he cannot heal his daughter. My mother refuses to be broken. She still calls at midnight to tell wonderful jokes that make me laugh. Sisters and friends, and my brother Phillip, whose birthday is today, all have helped carry me over the hardest places. I am blessed, richly and deeply blessed, to have such a family.

But not all of you -- But not all of you have been so blessed. You are HIV positive, but dare not say it. You have lost loved ones, but you dare not whisper the word xxx. You weep silently. You grieve alone. I have a message for you. It is not you who should feel shame. It is we -- we who tolerate ignorance and practice prejudice, we who have taught you to fear. We must lift our shroud of silence, making it safe for you to reach out for compassion. It is our task to seek safety for our children, not in quiet denial, but in effective action.

Someday our children will be grown. My son Max, now four, will take the measure of his mother. My son Zachary, now two, will sort through his memories. I may not be here to hear their judgments, but I know already what I hope they are. I want my children to know that their mother was not a victim. She was a messenger. I do not want them to think, as I once did, that courage is the absence of fear. I want them to know that courage is the strength to act wisely when most we are afraid. I want them to have the courage to step forward when called by their nation or their Party and give leadership, no matter what the personal cost.

I ask no more of you than I ask of myself or of my children. To the millions of you who are grieving, who are frightened, who have suffered the ravages of xxx firsthand: Have courage, and you will find support. To the millions who are strong, I issue the plea: Set aside prejudice and politics to make room for compassion and sound policy.

To my children, I make this pledge: I will not give in, Zachary, because I draw my courage from you. Your silly giggle gives me hope; your gentle prayers give me strength; and you, my child, give me the reason to say to America, “You are at risk.” And I will not rest, Max, until I have done all I can to make your world safe. I will seek a place where intimacy is not the prelude to suffering. I will not hurry to leave you, my children, but when I go, I pray that you will not suffer shame on my account.

To all within the sound of my voice, I appeal: Learn with me the lessons of history and of grace, so my children will not be afraid to say the word “xxx” when I am gone. Then, their children and yours may not need to whisper it at all.

God bless the children, and God bless us all.

Good night.

范文講解英語怎么說 第七篇

Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, members of the 77th Congress，

I address you, the members of this new Congress, at a moment unprecedented in the history of the union. I use the word “unprecedented” because at no previous time has American security been as seriously threatened from without as it is today.

Since the permanent formation of our government under the Constitution in 1789, most of the periods of crisis in our history have related to our domestic affairs. And, fortunately, only one of these -- the four-year war between the States -- ever threatened our national unity. Today, thank God, 130,000,000 Americans in 48 States have forgotten points of the compass in our national unity.

It is true that prior to 1914 the United States often has been disturbed by events in other continents. We have even engaged in two wars with European nations and in a number of undeclared wars in the West Indies, in the Mediterranean and in the Pacific, for the maintenance of American rights and for the principles of peaceful commerce. But in no case had a serious threat been raised against our national safety or our continued independence.

What I seek to convey is the historic truth that the United States as a nation has at all times maintained opposition -- clear, definite opposition -- to any attempt to lock us in behind an ancient Chinese wall while the procession of civilization went past. Today, thinking of our children and of their children, we oppose enforced isolation for ourselves or for any other part of the Americas.

That determination of ours, extending over all these years, was proved, for example, in the early days during the quarter century of wars following the French Revolution. While the Napoleonic struggles did threaten interests of the United States because of the French foothold in the West Indies and in Louisiana, and while we engaged in the War of 1812 to vindicate our right to peaceful trade, it is nevertheless clear that neither France nor Great Britain nor any other nation was aiming at domination of the whole world.

And in like fashion, from 1815 to 1914 -- ninety-nine years -- no single war in Europe or in Asia constituted a real threat against our future or against the future of any other American nation.

Except in the Maximilian interlude in Mexico, no foreign power sought to establish itself in this hemisphere. And the strength of the British fleet in the Atlantic has been a friendly strength; it is still a friendly strength.

Even when the World War broke out in 1914, it seemed to contain only small threat of danger to our own American future. But as time went on, as we remember, the American people began to visualize what the downfall of democratic nations might mean to our own democracy.

We need not overemphasize imperfections in the peace of Versailles. We need not harp on failure of the democracies to deal with problems of world reconstruction. We should remember that the peace of 1919 was far less unjust than the kind of pacification which began even before Munich, and which is being carried on under the new order of tyranny that seeks to spread over every continent today. The American people have unalterably set their faces against that tyranny.

I suppose that every realist knows that the democratic way of life is at this moment being directly assailed in every part of the world -- assailed either by arms or by secret spreading of poisonous propaganda by those who seek to destroy unity and promote discord in nations that are still at peace. During 16 long months this assault has blotted out the whole pattern of democratic life in an appalling number of independent nations, great and small. And the assailants are still on the march, threatening other nations, great and small.

Therefore, as your President, performing my constitutional duty to “give to the Congress information of the state of the union,” I find it unhappily necessary to report that the future and the safety of our country and of our democracy are overwhelmingly involved in events far beyond our borders.

Armed defense of democratic existence is now being gallantly waged in four continents. If that defense fails, all the population and all the resources of Europe and Asia, and Africa and Austral-Asia will be dominated by conquerors. And let us remember that the total of those populations in those four continents, the total of those populations and their resources greatly exceed the sum total of the population and the resources of the whole of the Western Hemisphere -- yes, many times over.

In times like these it is immature -- and, incidentally, untrue -- for anybody to brag that an unprepared America, single-handed and with one hand tied behind its back, can hold off the whole world.

No realistic American can expect from a dictator’s peace international generosity, or return of true independence, or world disarmament, or freedom of expression, or freedom of religion -- or even good business. Such a peace would bring no security for us or for our neighbors. Those who would give up essential liberty to purchase a little temporary safety deserve neither liberty nor safety.

As a nation we may take pride in the fact that we are soft-hearted; but we cannot afford to be soft-headed. We must always be wary of those who with sounding brass and a tinkling cymbal preach the “ism” of appeasement. We must especially beware of that small group of selfish men who would clip the wings of the American eagle in order to feather their own nests.

I have recently pointed out how quickly the tempo of modern warfare could bring into our very midst the physical attack which we must eventually expect if the dictator nations win this war.

There is much loose talk of our immunity from immediate and direct invasion from across the seas. Obviously, as long as the British Navy retains its power, no such danger exists. Even if there were no British Navy, it is not probable that any enemy would be stupid enough to attack us by landing troops in the United States from across thousands of miles of ocean, until it had acquired strategic bases from which to operate.

But we learn much from the lessons of the past years in Europe -- particularly the lesson of Norway, whose essential seaports were captured by treachery and surprise built up over a series of years. The first phase of the invasion of this hemisphere would not be the landing of regular troops. The necessary strategic points would be occupied by secret agents and by their dupes -- and great numbers of them are already here and in Latin America. As long as the aggressor nations maintain the offensive they, not we, will choose the time and the place and the method of their attack.

And that is why the future of all the American Republics is today in serious danger. That is why this annual message to the Congress is unique in our history. That is why every member of the executive branch of the government and every member of the Congress face great responsibility, great accountability. The need of the moment is that our actions and our policy should be devoted primarily -- almost exclusively -- to meeting this foreign peril. For all our domestic problems are now a part of the great emergency.

Just as our national policy in internal affairs has been based upon a decent respect for the rights and the dignity of all our fellow men within our gates, so our national policy in foreign affairs has been based on a decent respect for the rights and the dignity of all nations, large and small. And the justice of morality must and will win in the end.

Our national policy is this:

First, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to all-inclusive national defense.

Secondly, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to full support of all those resolute people everywhere who are resisting aggression and are thereby keeping war away from our hemisphere. By this support we express our determination that the democratic cause shall prevail, and we strengthen the defense and the security of our own nation.

Third, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to the proposition that principles of morality and considerations for our own security will never permit us to acquiesce in a peace dictated by aggressors and sponsored by appeasers. We know that enduring peace cannot be bought at the cost of other people's freedom.

In the recent national election there was no substantial difference between the two great parties in respect to that national policy. No issue was fought out on this line before the American electorate. And today it is abundantly evident that American citizens everywhere are demanding and supporting speedy and complete action in recognition of obvious danger.

Therefore, the immediate need is a swift and driving increase in our armament production. Leaders of industry and labor have responded to our summons. Goals of speed have been set. In some cases these goals are being reached ahead of time. In some cases we are on schedule; in other cases there are slight but not serious delays. And in some cases -- and, I am sorry to say, very important cases -- we are all concerned by the slowness of the accomplishment of our plans.

The Army and Navy, however, have made substantial progress during the past year. Actual experience is improving and speeding up our methods of production with every passing day. And today's best is not good enough for tomorrow.

I am not satisfied with the progress thus far made. The men in charge of the program represent the best in training, in ability, and in patriotism. They are not satisfied with the progress thus far made. None of us will be satisfied until the job is done.

No matter whether the original goal was set too high or too low, our objective is quicker and better results.

To give you two illustrations:

We are behind schedule in turning out finished airplanes. We are working day and night to solve the innumerable problems and to catch up.

We are ahead of schedule in building warships, but we are working to get even further ahead of that schedule.

To change a whole nation from a basis of peacetime production of implements of peace to a basis of wartime production of implements of war is no small task. And the greatest difficulty comes at the beginning of the program, when new tools, new plant facilities, new assembly lines, new shipways must first be constructed before the actual material begins to flow steadily and speedily from them.

The Congress of course, must rightly keep itself informed at all times of the progress of the program. However, there is certain information, as the Congress itself will readily recognize, which, in the interests of our own security and those of the nations that we are supporting, must of needs be kept in confidence.

New circumstances are constantly begetting new needs for our safety. I shall ask this Congress for greatly increased new appropriations and authorizations to carry on what we have begun.

I also ask this Congress for authority and for funds sufficient to manufacture additional munitions and war supplies of many kinds, to be turned over to those nations which are now in actual war with aggressor nations. Our most useful and immediate role is to act as an arsenal for them as well as for ourselves. They do not need manpower, but they do need billions of dollars’ worth of the weapons of defense.

The time is near when they will not be able to pay for them all in ready cash. We cannot, and we will not, tell them that they must surrender merely because of present inability to pay for the weapons which we know they must have.

I do not recommend that we make them a loan of dollars with which to pay for these weapons -- a loan to be repaid in dollars. I recommend that we make it possible for those nations to continue to obtain war materials in the United States, fitting their orders into our own program. And nearly all of their material would, if the time ever came, be useful in our own defense.

Taking counsel of expert military and naval authorities, considering what is best for our own security, we are free to decide how much should be kept here and how much should be sent abroad to our friends who, by their determined and heroic resistance, are giving us time in which to make ready our own defense.

For what we send abroad we shall be repaid, repaid within a reasonable time following the close of hostilities, repaid in similar materials, or at our option in other goods of many kinds which they can produce and which we need.

Let us say to the democracies: “We Americans are vitally concerned in your defense of freedom. We are putting forth our energies, our resources, and our organizing powers to give you the strength to regain and maintain a free world. We shall send you in ever-increasing numbers, ships, planes, tanks, guns. That is our purpose and our pledge.”

In fulfillment of this purpose we will not be intimidated by the threats of dictators that they will regard as a breach of international law or as an act of war our aid to the democracies which dare to resist their aggression. Such aid -- Such aid is not an act of war, even if a dictator should unilaterally proclaim it so to be.

And when the dictators -- if the dictators -- are ready to make war upon us, they will not wait for an act of war on our part.

They did not wait for Norway or Belgium or the Netherlands to commit an act of war. Their only interest is in a new one-way international law, which lacks mutuality in its observance and therefore becomes an instrument of oppression. The happiness of future generations of Americans may well depend on how effective and how immediate we can make our aid felt. No one can tell the exact character of the emergency situations that we may be called upon to meet. The nation's hands must not be tied when the nation's life is in danger.

Yes, and we must prepare, all of us prepare, to make the sacrifices that the emergency -- almost as serious as war itself -- demands. Whatever stands in the way of speed and efficiency in defense, in defense preparations of any kind, must give way to the national need.

A free nation has the right to expect full cooperation from all groups. A free nation has the right to look to the leaders of business, of labor, and of agriculture to take the lead in stimulating effort, not among other groups but within their own group.

The best way of dealing with the few slackers or trouble-makers in our midst is, first, to shame them by patriotic example, and if that fails, to use the sovereignty of government to save government.

As men do not live by bread alone, they do not fight by armaments alone. Those who man our defenses and those behind them who build our defenses must have the stamina and the courage which come from unshakable belief in the manner of life which they are defending. The mighty action that we are calling for cannot be based on a disregard of all the things worth fighting for.

The nation takes great satisfaction and much strength from the things which have been done to make its people conscious of their individual stake in the preservation of democratic life in America. Those things have toughened the fiber of our people, have renewed their faith and strengthened their devotion to the institutions we make ready to protect.

Certainly this is no time for any of us to stop thinking about the social and economic problems which are the root cause of the social revolution which is today a supreme factor in the world. For there is nothing mysterious about the foundations of a healthy and strong democracy.

The basic things expected by our people of their political and economic systems are simple. They are:

Equality of opportunity for youth and for others.

Jobs for those who can work.

Security for those who need it.

The ending of special privilege for the few.

The preservation of civil liberties for all.

The enjoyment -- The enjoyment of the fruits of scientific progress in a wider and constantly rising standard of living.

These are the simple, the basic things that must never be lost sight of in the turmoil and unbelievable complexity of our modern world. The inner and abiding strength of our economic and political systems is dependent upon the degree to which they fulfill these expectations.

Many subjects connected with our social economy call for immediate improvement. As examples:

We should bring more citizens under the coverage of old-age pensions and unemployment insurance.

We should widen the opportunities for adequate medical care.

We should plan a better system by which persons deserving or needing gainful employment may obtain it.

I have called for personal sacrifice, and I am assured of the willingness of almost all Americans to respond to that call. A part of the sacrifice means the payment of more money in taxes. In my budget message I will recommend that a greater portion of this great defense program be paid for from taxation than we are paying for today. No person should try, or be allowed to get rich out of the program, and the principle of tax payments in accordance with ability to pay should be constantly before our eyes to guide our legislation.

If the Congress maintains these principles the voters, putting patriotism ahead pocketbooks, will give you their applause.

In the future days, which we seek to make secure, we look forward to a world founded upon four essential human freedoms.

The first is freedom of speech and expression -- everywhere in the world.

The second is freedom of every person to worship God in his own way -- everywhere in the world.

The third is freedom from want, which, translated into world terms, means economic understandings which will secure to every nation a healthy peacetime life for its inhabitants -- everywhere in the world.

The fourth is freedom from fear, which, translated into world terms, means a world-wide reduction of armaments to such a point and in such a thorough fashion that no nation will be in a position to commit an act of physical aggression against any neighbor -- anywhere in the world.

That is no vision of a distant millennium. It is a definite basis for a kind of world attainable in our own time and generation. That kind of world is the very antithesis of the so-called “new order” of tyranny which the dictators seek to create with the crash of a bomb.

To that new order we oppose the greater conception -- the moral order. A good society is able to face schemes of world domination and foreign revolutions alike without fear.

Since the beginning of our American history we have been engaged in change, in a perpetual, peaceful revolution, a revolution which goes on steadily, quietly, adjusting itself to changing conditions without the concentration camp or the quicklime in the ditch. The world order which we seek is the cooperation of free countries, working together in a friendly, civilized society.

This nation has placed its destiny in the hands and heads and hearts of its millions of free men and women, and its faith in freedom under the guidance of God. Freedom means the supremacy of human rights everywhere. Our support goes to those who struggle to gain those rights and keep them. Our strength is our unity of purpose.

To that high concept there can be no end save victory.

范文講解英語怎么說 第八篇

Good evening, my fellow citizens，

This afternoon, following a series of threats and defiant statements, the presence of Alabama National Guardsmen was required on the University of Alabama to carry out the final and unequivocal order of the United States District Court of the Northern District of Alabama. That order called for the admission of two clearly qualified young Alabama residents who happened to have been born Negro. That they were admitted peacefully on the campus is due in good measure to the conduct of the students of the University of Alabama, who met their responsibilities in a constructive way.

I hope that every American, regardless of where he lives, will stop and examine his conscience about this and other related incidents. This Nation was founded by men of many nations and backgrounds. It was founded on the principle that all men are created equal, and that the rights of every man are diminished when the rights of one man are threatened.

Today, we are committed to a worldwide struggle to promote and protect the rights of all who wish to be free. And when Americans are sent to Vietnam or West Berlin, we do not ask for whites only. It oughta be possible, therefore, for American students of any color to attend any public institution they select without having to be backed up by troops. It oughta to be possible for American consumers of any color to receive equal service in places of public accommodation, such as hotels and restaurants and theaters and retail stores, without being forced to resort to demonstrations in the street, and it oughta be possible for American citizens of any color to register and to vote in a free election without interference or fear of reprisal. It oughta to be possible, in short, for every American to enjoy the privileges of being American without regard to his race or his color. In short, every American ought to have the right to be treated as he would wish to be treated, as one would wish his children to be treated. But this is not the case.

The Negro baby born in America today, regardless of the section of the State in which he is born, has about one-half as much chance of completing a high school as a white baby born in the same place on the same day, one-third as much chance of completing college, one-third as much chance of becoming a professional man, twice as much chance of becoming unemployed, about one-seventh as much chance of earning $10,000 a year, a life expectancy which is 7 years shorter, and the prospects of earning only half as much.

This is not a sectional issue. Difficulties over segregation and discrimination exist in every city, in every State of the Union, producing in many cities a rising tide of discontent that threatens the public safety. Nor is this a partisan issue. In a time of domestic crisis men of good will and generosity should be able to unite regardless of party or politics. This is not even a legal or legislative issue alone. It is better to settle these matters in the courts than on the streets, and new laws are needed at every level, but law alone cannot make men see right. We are confronted primarily with a moral issue. It is as old as the Scriptures and is as clear as the American Constitution.

The heart of the question is whether all Americans are to be afforded equal rights and equal opportunities, whether we are going to treat our fellow Americans as we want to be treated. If an American, because his skin is dark, cannot eat lunch in a restaurant open to the public, if he cannot send his children to the best public school available, if he cannot vote for the public officials who will represent him, if, in short, he cannot enjoy the full and free life which all of us want, then who among us would be content to have the color of his skin changed and stand in his place? Who among us would then be content with the counsels of patience and delay?

One hundred years of delay have passed since President Lincoln freed the slaves, yet their heirs, their grandsons, are not fully free. They are not yet freed from the bonds of injustice. They are not yet freed from social and economic oppression. And this Nation, for all its hopes and all its boasts, will not be fully free until all its citizens are free.

We preach freedom around the world, and we mean it, and we cherish our freedom here at home, but are we to say to the world, and much more importantly, to each other that this is the land of the free except for the Negroes; that we have no second-class citizens except Negroes; that we have no class or caste system, no ghettoes, no master race except with respect to Negroes?

Now the time has come for this Nation to fulfill its promise. The events in Birmingham and elsewhere have so increased the cries for equality that no city or State or legislative body can prudently choose to ignore them. The fires of frustration and discord are burning in every city, North and South, where legal remedies are not at hand. Redress is sought in the streets, in demonstrations, parades, and protests which create tensions and threaten violence and threaten lives.

We face, therefore, a moral crisis as a country and a people. It cannot be met by repressive police action. It cannot be left to increased demonstrations in the streets. It cannot be quieted by token moves or talk. It is a time to act in the Congress, in your State and local legislative body and, above all, in all of our daily lives. It is not enough to pin the blame on others, to say this a problem of one section of the country or another, or deplore the facts that we face. A great change is at hand, and our task, our obligation, is to make that revolution, that change, peaceful and constructive for all. Those who do nothing are inviting shame, as well as violence. Those who act boldly are recognizing right, as well as reality.

Next week I shall ask the Congress of the United States to act, to make a commitment it has not fully made in this century to the proposition that race has no place in American life or law. The Federal judiciary has upheld that proposition in a series of forthright cases. The Executive Branch has adopted that proposition in the conduct of its affairs, including the employment of Federal personnel, the use of Federal facilities, and the sale of federally financed housing. But there are other necessary measures which only the Congress can provide, and they must be provided at this session. The old code of equity law under which we live commands for every wrong a remedy, but in too many communities, in too many parts of the country, wrongs are inflicted on Negro citizens and there are no remedies at law. Unless the Congress acts, their only remedy is the street.

I am, therefore, asking the Congress to enact legislation giving all Americans the right to be served in facilities which are open to the public -- hotels, restaurants, theaters, retail stores, and similar establishments. This seems to me to be an elementary right. Its denial is an arbitrary indignity that no American in 1963 should have to endure, but many do.

I have recently met with scores of business leaders urging them to take voluntary action to end this discrimination, and I have been encouraged by their response, and in the last two weeks over 75 cities have seen progress made in desegregating these kinds of facilities. But many are unwilling to act alone, and for this reason, nationwide legislation is needed if we are to move this problem from the streets to the courts.

I'm also asking the Congress to authorize the Federal Government to participate more fully in lawsuits designed to end segregation in public education. We have succeeded in persuading many districts to desegregate voluntarily. Dozens have admitted Negroes without violence. Today, a Negro is attending a State-supported institution in every one of our 50 States, but the pace is very slow.

Too many Negro children entering segregated grade schools at the time of the Supreme Court's decision nine years ago will enter segregated high schools this fall, having suffered a loss which can never be restored. The lack of an adequate education denies the Negro a chance to get a decent job.

The orderly implementation of the Supreme Court decision, therefore, cannot be left solely to those who may not have the economic resources to carry the legal action or who may be subject to harassment.

Other features will be also requested, including greater protection for the right to vote. But legislation, I repeat, cannot solve this problem alone. It must be solved in the homes of every American in every community across our country. In this respect I wanna pay tribute to those citizens North and South who've been working in their communities to make life better for all. They are acting not out of sense of legal duty but out of a sense of human decency. Like our soldiers and sailors in all parts of the world they are meeting freedom's challenge on the firing line, and I salute them for their honor and their courage.

My fellow Americans, this is a problem which faces us all -- in every city of the North as well as the South. Today, there are Negroes unemployed, two or three times as many compared to whites, inadequate education, moving into the large cities, unable to find work, young people particularly out of work without hope, denied equal rights, denied the opportunity to eat at a restaurant or a lunch counter or go to a movie theater, denied the right to a decent education, denied almost today the right to attend a State university even though qualified. It seems to me that these are matters which concern us all, not merely Presidents or Congressmen or Governors, but every citizen of the United States.

This is one country. It has become one country because all of us and all the people who came here had an equal chance to develop their talents. We cannot say to ten percent of the population that you can't have that right; that your children cannot have the chance to develop whatever talents they have; that the only way that they are going to get their rights is to go in the street and demonstrate. I think we owe them and we owe ourselves a better country than that.

Therefore, I'm asking for your help in making it easier for us to move ahead and to provide the kind of equality of treatment which we would want ourselves; to give a chance for every child to be educated to the limit of his talents.

As I've said before, not every child has an equal talent or an equal ability or equal motivation, but they should have the equal right to develop their talent and their ability and their motivation, to make something of themselves.

We have a right to expect that the Negro community will be responsible, will uphold the law, but they have a right to expect that the law will be fair, that the Constitution will be color blind, as Justice Harlan said at the turn of the century.

This is what we're talking about and this is a matter which concerns this country and what it stands for, and in meeting it I ask the support of all our citizens.

Thank you very much.

范文講解英語怎么說 第九篇

一、有的放矢，迂回出擊

當你的演講有可能引起爭議時，找準恰當?shù)耐緩斤@得特別重要。途徑不對頭，就有可能導致聽者的敵對情緒，不等你的話出口，你早已注定要立于失敗的境地。路子選對了，你便能充分說服聽者。這是一門最難掌握也是最有價值的交際藝術(shù)。首先，你應當了解你的聽眾。

一般來說，演講的聽眾可以粗略地劃分為三大類型。有的聽眾與你持有相同的觀點;有的聽眾猶豫不決，處在觀望之中;有的與你的觀點相對。那些同意你觀點的聽眾用不著你花力氣去說服;那些猶豫不決的聽眾有可能被你清楚明了、令人信服的演講改變立場。你面臨的真正挑戰(zhàn)無疑來自最后一類聽眾，因此你必須開動腦筋，設法讓這部分人放棄自己的觀點，站到你這邊來。

然而，改變一個人的立場從來就是相當精細的工作。我們知道，誰都擁有自己引以為豪的觀點。它們要么是經(jīng)過多年的學習與經(jīng)驗積累而形成的，要么是擁有根深蒂固的情感根基。我們小時候在母親懷抱里學到的那些知識會深深地扎根于我們的個性中。對于宗教、政治、民主及養(yǎng)兒育女等，大多數(shù)人都有自己獨到的見解。同時，一些陳舊的觀念使得我們很難對許多問題保持冷靜而客觀的看法，而在別人眼中它們看上去則像是一些偏見。但是，只要真正是我們自己的觀點，我們就會認為它們是完全合理和令人滿意的而抱住不放。正如溺愛孩子的父母不會輕易責備自己的小孩一樣，我們對自己那些“珍貴”的觀點也從來不大會看不順眼。

如果你直截了當?shù)孛鎸γ婀粢粋€人所擁有的“珍貴”觀點，他的反應與你批評他小孩的反應一樣，只能是反感。他會對你表示憤慨。他會全副武裝，保護自己，對付你說的每一句話。他不但不會放棄自己的觀點，而且相反還會像溺愛小孩的父母把自己的小孩抱得更緊那樣，更加堅守自己的.立場。有關(guān)這一點，可以說是放之四海皆準的道理。

由此看來，演講前你必須充分分析你的聽眾，依據(jù)實際情況選擇最佳途徑，把演講的重點放在那些猶豫不決、搖擺不定，尤其是與你意見相左的聽眾身上，做到有的放矢。同時，你還必須正確面對聽眾自己已有的觀點，不可因為它們與你的觀點不一而開門見山地迎頭痛擊。

二、先退后進，變守為攻

演講時，特別是當你的觀點處于不利的境地，為了達到說服聽眾的目的，你不妨先有意識地退一步，肯定聽眾的觀點有其合理性，然后在獲得聽眾信任的基礎上再尋找機會，通過擺事實、講道理等方法巧妙地提出你的觀點，變退為進，化守為攻，從而最終有力地說服聽眾。在《裘利斯?凱撒》一劇中，戲劇大師莎士比亞為我們描述了一個極好的例子。

公元前44年3月15日，羅馬統(tǒng)帥裘利斯?凱撒在元老院被羅馬元老貴族刺殺，為首的是深受他信任的勃魯托斯。作為主謀，勃魯托斯做了惡人還先告狀。他跑到街上公共講壇上，大談殺死凱撒的必要性，極力為自己開脫罪責;同時，又信誓旦旦地把自己裝扮成正人君子的模樣。聽了了勃魯托斯的演講，群情沸騰了，他們認為殺死凱撒是件大快人心的事，勃魯托斯為民除害是英雄。請看此時瑪克?安東尼是怎樣說服聽眾讓聽眾接受他的觀點的。

面對勃魯托斯蠱惑人心的演說，面對群情激憤、不明真相的市民，安東尼心里清楚，在此時此地，他既不能馬上歌頌凱撒又不能一上講壇就立即攻擊勃魯托斯。于是，他開場便說：“我是來埋藏凱撒，不是來贊美他?！苯又?，他又開始贊揚勃魯托斯，稱他為“尊貴的勃魯托斯”“正人君子”。這樣的話無疑適合當時的氣氛，不會引起聽眾的反感而遭到他們的反對。然后，他抓住機會，有計劃、有步驟地把市民的心拉向自己的一邊。他說：

現(xiàn)在我得到勃魯托斯和另外幾位的允許――因為勃魯托斯是正人君子，他們也都是正人君子――特到這兒來，在凱撒的喪禮中說幾句話。他是我的朋友，他對我是那么忠誠公正;然而勃魯托斯卻說他是有野心的，而勃魯托斯是一個正人君子。他曾經(jīng)帶許多俘虜回到羅馬來，他們的贖金都充實了公家的財庫，這可以說是野心者的行徑嗎?窮苦的人哀哭的時候，凱撒曾經(jīng)為他們流淚，野心者是不應當這樣仁慈的，然而勃魯托斯卻說他是有野心的，而勃魯托斯卻是一個正人君子。你們大家看見在盧柏克節(jié)的那天，我三次獻給他一頂王冠，他三次都拒絕了，這難道是有野心嗎?然而勃魯托斯卻說他是有野心的，而勃魯托斯的的確確是一個正人君子……

安東尼擺出一個一個的事實，來謳歌凱撒的豐功偉績，一層一層地剝?nèi)ゲ斖兴股砩系漠嬈?，在場的市民開始為安東尼的話打動，覺得他說得有道理，認為凱撒死得冤枉。這時，安東尼不失時機地改變自己的被動地位，由守變?yōu)楣?。他拿出一張羊皮紙，那是凱撒的遺囑。在宣讀遺囑前，他走下講壇，叫在場的市民圍繞在凱撒的尸體四周。

范文講解英語怎么說 第十篇

1. Merry Christmas vs Happy Christmas

Merry Christmas and Happy Christmas are both greetings used during the last part of December, around Christmastime. The first word of each is only capitalized when used as a greeting. When one is speaking of a happy or merry Christmas, the adjectives are lowercase.

Merry Christmas began as a saying in the 1500s. It was recorded in a letter as a wish that God would send the recipient a “merry Christmas”. It was solidified as a capitalized greeting by Charles Dickens in his great work A Christmas Carol.

Queen Elizabeth II, for whatever reason, did not use Dickens’ phrase. Instead, she used the phrase Happy Christmas in her broadcasts to her subjects. After her use, the term gained popularity and is still the most common form in Great Britain and Ireland.

There is debate whether or not the greeting has religious meaning and whether a more generic Happy Holidays should be used instead to respect non-Christian views. Be aware of your audience when choosing the correct phrase.

2. There is more than just Christianity Listen, if there was ONLY Christianity allowed in this country, then sure...it would be fine to say “Merry Christmas” to everyone. But the fact of the matter is that there are many other faiths in America, as well as some atheists and agnostics.

If you are Christian, go ahead and say “Merry Christmas” to every Tom, Dick and Jane you meet. Just don't claim you're being “persecuted” when the person responds with a different religious greeting instead!

范文講解英語怎么說 第十一篇

Things: leave something about learning, move things, pack things, put things right with the things he carries. These two things are the same in appearance, but different in essence. You use that thing to make this thing, this thing: https://picwensosocom/pqpic/wenwenpic/0/png/0.

中文翻譯：

thing[θ??][θ??]n事物：留下關(guān)于學習的東西，移動東西，打包東西，把東西擺正他攜帶的東西，這兩件東西在外表上是一樣的，但本質(zhì)上不同，你用那東西來做這個東西，這個東西：https://picwensosocom/pqpic/wenwenpic/0/png/0。

范文講解英語怎么說 第十二篇

The Dragon Boat Festival is a lunar holiday, occurring on the fifth day of the fifth lunar month

The Chinese Dragon Boat Festival is a significant holiday celebrated in China, and the one with the longest history. The Dragon Boat Festival is celebrated by boat races in the shape of dragons. Competing teams row their boats forward to a drumbeat racing to reach the finish end first.

The boat races during the Dragon Boat Festival are traditional customs to attempts to rescue the patriotic poet Chu Yuan. Chu Yuan drowned on the fifth day of the fifth lunar month in 277 . Chinese citizens now throw bamboo leaves filled with cooked rice into the water. Therefore the fish could eat the rice rather than the hero poet. This later on turned into the custom of eating tzungtzu and rice dumplings. The celebrations is a time for protection from evil and disease for the rest of the year. It is done so by different practices such as hanging healthy herbs on the front door, drinking nutritious concoctions, and displaying portraits of evils nemesis, Chung Kuei. If one manages to stand an egg on its end at exactly 12：00 noon, the following year will be a lucky one.

Notesignificant：重要的 drumbeat：鼓聲，打鼓 patriotic：愛國的concoction：調(diào)和物 nemesis：報應風俗習慣

Dragon Boat race Traditions At the center of this festival are the dragon boat races. Competing teams drive their colorful dragon boats forward to the rhythm of beating drums. These exciting races were inspired by the villagers valiant attempts to rescue Chu Yuan from the Mi Lo river. This tradition has remained unbroken for centuries.

Tzung Tzu A very popular dish during the Dragon Boat festival is tzung tzu. This tasty dish consists of rice dumplings with meat, peanut, egg yolk, or other fillings wrapped in bamboo leaves. The tradition of tzung tzu is meant to remind us of the village fishermen scattering rice across the water of the Mi Low river in order to appease the river dragons so that they would not devour Chu Yuan.

Ay Taso The time of year of the Dragon Boat Festival, the fifth lunar moon, has more significance than just the story of Chu Yuan. Many Chinese consider this time of year an especially dangerous time when extra efforts must be made to protect their family from illness. Families will hang various herbs, called Ay Tsao, on their door for protection. The drinking of realgar wine is thought to remove poisons from the body. Hsiang Bao are also worn. These sachets contain various fragrant medicinal herbs thought to protect the wearer from illness.

風俗習慣端午節(jié)最重要的活動是龍舟競賽，比賽的隊伍在熱烈的鼓聲中劃著他們多彩的龍舟前進。這項活動的靈感是來自於當時汨羅江畔的居民，在江中劃船救屈原，而這個傳統(tǒng)也一直保持了數(shù)個世紀。在端午節(jié)時受歡迎的食物就是粽子，粽子是以米包著肉、花生、蛋黃及其他材料，再以竹葉包裹。而粽子的傳統(tǒng)則來由於汨羅江邊的漁夫，將米丟入江中平息江中的蛟龍，希望他們不要將屈原吃掉。農(nóng)歷的五月，也就是端午節(jié)的這個時節(jié)，對中國人而言，除了屈原的故事還有許多其他重要的意義。許多中國人相信五月是一年中容易引發(fā)疾病的危險時節(jié)，因此必須有許多防備家人生病的措施。許多家庭會將一種特別的植物-艾草掛在門口，作為保護之用，而人們也會掛帶香包，它是以含有多種香味的藥用植物所做成，也可以保護人們遠離疾病。

Traditions/Vocabulary race比賽(名詞)

The races were very exciting because the cars were very fast and loud.那個比賽非常刺激，因為那些車子非常的快速而且大聲。

competing競爭的(形容詞)

All of the competing race car drivers are very skilled.所有競爭的賽車選手都有高超的技術(shù)。rhythm節(jié)奏(名詞)

I like to dance to the rhythm of this music.我喜歡隨著音樂的節(jié)奏跳舞。

inspire啟發(fā)靈感(動詞)

The beautiful scenery inspired me to write this song.這美麗的風景啟發(fā)我寫這首歌曲的靈感

villager村民、鄉(xiāng)民(名詞)

During our travels we found the villagers to be very friendly and helpful.在我們的旅程中，我發(fā)現(xiàn)鄉(xiāng)民們非常友善及熱心。

valiant英勇的(形容詞)

The valiant hero saved the little girls life.那個英勇的英雄拯救了小女孩的生命。

remain 留下、保持原狀(動詞)

he had completed the report.他留在辦公室直到完成報告。

Tzung Tzu粽子(名詞)

He ate so much Tzung Tzu that he became sick.他因為吃太多粽子而感到身體不適。

wrap包裹(動詞)

She wrapped the Christmas presents with colorful paper.他用彩色的紙包裹圣誕禮物。

The man is scattering seeds on the grass for the birds to eat.那個男人將種子灑在地上給鳥吃。

devour狼吞虎咽的吃，吃光(動詞)

The lion devoured the food.那只獅子狼吞虎咽的吃那些食物。

significance重要性(名詞)

Do you understand the significance of this story？你知道這個故事的重要性嗎？

Ay Tsao艾草(名詞)

Every year my family hangs Ay Tsao on their front door.每年我的家人都會掛艾草在前門。

Hsiang Bao香包(名詞)

The children love to collect the colorful Hsiang Bao.小孩喜歡?集鮮艷的香包。

People drink realgar wine to protect themselves from illness.人們喝雄黃酒保護自己免於生病。

sachet香包、香袋

The sachets are very fragrant.那些香包很香。

Those flowers are very fragrant. 那些花很香。

[端午節(jié)歷史的英語解說]

范文講解英語怎么說 第十三篇

即興演講的特點

即興演講，運用廣泛，長處頗多，作用巨大，其特點主要表現(xiàn)在:

1、話題集中，針對性強

一般是對近期或眼前情況有感而發(fā)的，因此話題內(nèi)容選取角度較小，說明議論求準，求精，求新。

2、相互制約，聽說并行

即興說話多半是現(xiàn)場有感而發(fā)，靈感常常來自聽眾、觀眾席上。交談中，必須使自己的話與對方的話相呼應，否則會驢唇不對馬嘴，導致交談的失敗。

3、隨興而發(fā)，針對性強

即興交談常常是而對而接觸后才開始進行的，不能事先做好準備，思考時間短，出語速度快，交談者必須聽辨靈敏，臨場引發(fā)，快速組話，否則會使交談出現(xiàn)不順利。

4、形式自然，靈活多變

即興演講即興演講即興演講即興演講有時沒有明確的中心，只是自然而然地任意表述著各種話題;有時有中心，但由于受時間、地點和交談對象的變化，不得不改變話題，改變表達方式。

5、臨場發(fā)揮，直陳己見

不像命題演講事先擬好講稿，也不像辯論演講事先進行模擬訓練，演講者往往是當場打腹稿，即席講話;說情況，講道理，表看法，提意見很少繞彎子，切忌觀點模棱兩可，晦澀艱深，令人不知所云。

6、生動活潑，短小精悍

即興演講貼近生活實際，短小精悍，簡明扼要(時間上一般控制在1—5分鐘之內(nèi)，有的甚至只有一句簡短的話)，親切感人。具有思想性，趣味性，知識性，忌諱冗長雜散，羅嗦重復，不著邊際的官話空話。

論辯演講的主要特點

1、競爭性

一般的演講是一種個人的單向演講行為，演講的目的在于宣傳自己的觀點，表達自己的感情，以取得聽眾的理解和支持。而論辯演講則是雙方針鋒相對的較量，主要目的是造成“你錯我對”的結(jié)果，從而戰(zhàn)勝或者說服對方。

2、理論性

論辯雙方為了在論戰(zhàn)中形成自己的強大的說服力和論辯優(yōu)勢，都必須訴諸邏輯思維，致力于對辯題的理性發(fā)掘和完美論證。因而使論辯的內(nèi)容具有理論上的深刻性和系統(tǒng)性，甚至能迸發(fā)出創(chuàng)造性的思想火花。從而產(chǎn)生具有無可辯駁的論辯鋒芒和震撼人心的理性力量。

3、雄辯性

論辯演講區(qū)別于命題演講和即興演講，最本質(zhì)的特點是對立雙方不同觀點的辯駁，表現(xiàn)強烈的針鋒相對和直接抗衡。論辯雙方都力求用最鮮明的論題，最充分的論據(jù)、最有力的論證，來樹立已方的論點而駁倒對方的論點，針鋒相對，窮理竭智，雄談闊論，信心十足，具有極強的雄辯性和論戰(zhàn)性。

4、即興性

論辯不同于一般演講，如命題演講可以按事先準備好的較為理想的講稿去講，但論辯不能這樣。雖然，論辯也應當有充分的準備?？墒?，由于論辯是雙方面對面的口頭交鋒，對方如何闡述論點，運用什么樣的論據(jù)，怎樣進行論證，以及提出什么樣的問題、駁詰，都是不能預先知道的。因此，在論辯過程中，雙方都必須根據(jù)論辯所處的特定的情形，考慮辯駁內(nèi)容，組織口頭語言;既要能夠有理有據(jù)，形成凌厲的攻勢，又要能機智巧妙，顯示出賽場的風度。這就決定了論辯活動具有極強的即興性，要求論辯者具有過人的臨場應對才能和思辯靈活的口才。

另外，隨著時代的發(fā)展人類的政治、經(jīng)濟、軍事的競爭越來越激烈，為了求得認識的一致，為了辯析是非曲直，上自聯(lián)合國講壇，下至街頭巷尾;大到國際爭端的調(diào)解，小到商務活動的談判，都需要進行論辯演講。于是論辯演講這個古老的語言藝術(shù)，在當今的年代又煥發(fā)出青春，而且越來越具有競爭的色彩。

論辯的基本技法

論辯的取勝之道全在一個“巧”字，就是針對敵論的破綻，恰當?shù)倪\用論辯技法，一矢中的，達到以巧破千斤的效果，致論敵于“死”地。要做到這一點，非掌握一些常用的論辯技法不可。

一詮釋法。即通過揭示概念或論題的含義進行論辯的方法。

二類比法。類比法是通過兩個或兩類事物的一些屬性相同，推出他們的其他屬性也相同的邏輯方法。這是反駁對方命題時常用的一種方法。

三歸謬法。即先假定對方的錯誤論題是正確的，然后以這種假設為充分條件，推出一個顯然荒謬的結(jié)論，從結(jié)論的荒謬中，必然顯現(xiàn)對方論題的荒謬性的反駁方法。

四證明法。人們常說：“事實勝于雄辯”，確鑿、客觀、公正的事實或數(shù)字，往往具有很強的說服力。在論辯中，有時并不需要過多的邏輯技巧，只消把事實或數(shù)字一擺，是非一目了然。

五反例法。反例，就是與論點相反的例子。而對武斷的錯誤的論斷，若能舉出與錯誤論斷相矛盾的事例來，而事例又是眾所周知或舉世公認的事實，這無疑是對錯誤論斷的毀滅性的打擊。

范文講解英語怎么說 第十四篇

The son / daughter of a boomerang a son / daughter of a boomerang a group of children raised by children s dependent on returnees children dependent children - a recent portrait of the Manitoba Law Reform Commission is the dependence on children, who live at home, rely on their elderly parents to provide them with shelter, food, and money for the abuse of the elderly Little is known about birth rate, occurrence or relationship of various forms.

中文翻譯：

一個回旋鏢的兒子/女兒一個回旋鏢的兒子/女兒一個依靠兒童撫養(yǎng)的成年兒童團體依賴返回者兒童成年受撫養(yǎng)的兒童-馬尼托巴法律改革委員會最近的一幅肖像畫是依賴成年兒童，他們住在家里，依靠年邁的父母為他們提供住所、食物，而金錢對于老人的發(fā)生率、各種形式的發(fā)生或關(guān)系知之甚少。

范文講解英語怎么說 第十五篇

初中班主任評優(yōu)展示性演講

尊敬的各位領(lǐng)導，老師們：

大家好！我是來自##中學初三畢業(yè)班的班主任####。自1992年進入教育系統(tǒng)以來，始終從事班主任工作，連續(xù)五年擔任初三班主任。的班主任經(jīng)驗告訴我：只有用一顆真愛之心教育引導學生，更多地關(guān)注學生弱勢群體，才能促進班級健康發(fā)展，引導孩子成人成才，托起明天的太陽和祖國未來的希望。

但我知道，轉(zhuǎn)化一個孩子缺點、塑造一個孩子的心靈還需要持之以恒的努力，還需要長期的`關(guān)愛和幫助。由于天氣炎熱，張凱的鼻血汩汩地流了出來，我領(lǐng)他到水管清洗，還用自己的手絹幫他擦臉。他用感激的眼神看著我，終于徹底消除了敵意，對我說了“謝謝”。()以后的日子里，我抓住教育時機，趁熱打鐵，上課經(jīng)常提問他簡單的問題，隨時給予公開表揚，激勵他不斷進步；課下也經(jīng)常找他交流，當著眾多老師的面，給予熱情鼓勵。他對班級活動表現(xiàn)的更加積極了，上課也主動回答問題了。

這件小事讓我體會到：所有的孩子都是明天的太陽，所有的學生都是未來的希望，班主任應當用真心塑造孩子心靈，用愛心托起明天的太陽。用教育家蘇霍姆林斯基的一句話說就是：沒有愛，就沒有教育。真愛可以改變學生的一生！

• 上一篇：會議英語測試用例范文(精選17篇)
• 下一篇：貧困戶上班通知范文(精選19篇)